Phylomeny Go buy glasses.

of Deniz Cem Önduygu

Archive
Tag "memetics"

Biology as Ideology: The Doctrine of DNABiology as Ideology: The Doctrine of DNA by Richard C. Lewontin

Lewontin is a leftist and he couldn’t be more obvious about it. When he unconvincingly accuses all science of being ideological, it seems like he’s preparing the ground for and justifying the strong ideology behind his own writing. He refuses the extreme idea that genes are the source of all causation in the human sphere, only to replace them with bourgeoisie and capitalism! Yes, he takes particular delight in linking everything from reductionism as a scientific tool to the information-theoretical paradigm in biology back to “the bourgeois revolutions of the eighteenth century”. It’s funny how reductionistic leftists can become when trying to refute reductionism.

It’s one thing to dream of a more egalitarian, more democratic and more fair society; it’s another to filter facts according to that dream. I find this confusion especially troubling for a scientist: everything he writes suggests that if ever science shows beyond dispute that intelligence – or some other “good” human quality – is differentially inherited, he will reject that conclusion just because it’s not in line with his precious ideals of equality and fairness. (He actually has a go at it in the book, and maybe this isn’t much of a problem for him since he admits that scientists are inevitably ideological creatures.)

Speaking of fairness, I actually loved the book (1) because it is nicely designed and (2) because Lewontin certainly has a rare gift of balancing our thinking against the sometimes lazy Dawkins-Dennett line of thought by pointing out neglected perspectives and offering a lot of food for thought. The problem is that – just like his ally Gould – often he’s pushing it too far, to the point that the poor arguments injected at those specific points compromise his otherwise amazing authorship.

Another problem worth noting is that in some of the corrections he proposes for the Dawkinsian reductionism – again, just like Gould – he is actually overlapping with what Dawkins says, only with a different vocabulary: the contructionism (“the environment of organisms is coded in their DNA” – p.112) that he defends against adaptationism is the same as Dawkins’s concept of extended phenotype (1982), and the below passage with which he closes the book (1991) is one step shy of memetics (1976).

(…) the genes, in making possible the development of human consciousness, have surrendered their power both to determine the individual and its environment. They have been replaced by an entirely new level of causation, that of social interaction with its own laws and its own nature that can be understood and explored only through that unique form of experience, social action.

In this respect, he reminds me of Dennett’s metaphor for Gould in Darwin’s Dangerous Idea: the boy who cried wolf.

Here it is, finally, Dan Dennett’s Istanbul talk titled “Darwin’s Strange Inversion of Reasoning” from last year. Enjoy.

Filmed, edited and subtitled by me. I thank Eser Aygün, Amaç Herdağdelen, Murat Özsaltık and Bilge Kobaş for their help.

Reminder: This was part of a series of events titled “Darwin and Beyond” organized by Sabancı University to celebrate the Darwin bicentennial, April 10, 2009, Sakıp Sabancı Museum, Istanbul. See also previous related posts.

It’s been some time since I finished reading Darwinizing Culture: the Status of Memetics as a Science edited by Robert Aunger and I’ve been thinking on a few major points that bother me, not in the specific claims of the contributors but in the way the issue of the validity of memetics is often discussed. So even if this may look like a book review, it is in fact the expression of my general discontent about the “meme talk” and my suggestions on how it might be turned into a more healthy discussion.

First of all, I have trouble understanding why nearly all the arguments in the book revolve around human social behaviour and how hard it is for memetics to account for it. My opinion is that this perspective misses the real power of memetics.

Social behaviour is also present in animal species (many of which do not exhibit signs of proto-culture) and yes, it can be explained without much need for memetic theories. So why, when it comes to human social behaviour and psychology, leave this all behind and expect memetics to account for everything on its own? Humans are animals too, and possible memetic explanations will be additions to the basic ethological/psychological explanations. It seems to me that the reactions of psychologists and anthropologists against memetics are based on a misunderstanding that memetics is here to sweep their theories on human nature away and start from scratch.

The point I want to stress here is this: I believe that the strength of the meme theory will unfold when it’s applied to account for the relatively new layer of things which have covered the surface of the Earth within the last 10.000 years: tools, signs, books, roads, cars, ships, airplanes, buildings, cities, factories, toys, songs, computers, cable networks, satellites… Everything “designed” by humans. This is where we differ from animals on a very observable level and this, I submit, is the domain where memetics as a research program can produce its first fruits without too much hassle with other disciplines – thus, the domain where arguments about the validity of memetics should move towards.

Of course, the issue of what Aunger calls Mental Darwinism becomes important here: is human creativity the product of the evolutionary algorithm running in human brains as Susan Blackmore argues, or does this view depicting humans as mere vectors arise from an “insufficient understanding of the autonomy of (memetic) agents” (my italics) as Rosaria Conte asserts in the book? I propose that two things should encourage us to operate under the assumption that Blackmore is right, and embark on the project of analyzing cultural designs within the memetic framework: (1) the stunning power of evolution in creating design, demonstrated in biology and in the digital evolutionary algorithms used today in many areas for creative design or optimization, and (2) the delusional nature of our introspections and intuitions about our precious conscious autonomous agency, as revealed by neuroscience and cognitive sciences (see Dan Dennett’s Consciousness Explained). The second point is echoed, strangely enough, in Conte’s chapter:

But a decision-based process is not necessarily explicit and reflected on: mental filters do not necessarily operate consciously, so agents may not be able to report on them.

Substitute “mental filters” with “mental memetic selection pressures”, and you get a sentence by Blackmore! This simply is the essence of the memetic account of human creativity.

But the project of explaining human design with memetics needs one big adjustment in the way people conceive of memes. This is the second point that disturbs me in the discussions in general: the misguided use of the term meme.

The critics of memetics often talk of things like “the God meme”, “the chair meme” or even “the general relativity meme” in their refutations. These concepts may be straw men created by the early proponents of memetics (like Richard Dawkins in The Selfish Gene), and no wonder they are easily burned down by critics speaking in sarcastic tones. (see Adam Kuper’s section titled ‘The Ecology of Ideas’ for a perfect example.) This simplistic language, still adopted by some memeticists today, is turned against the memetic theory to condemn it as an oversimplification too funny to be true. But although it is true that memeticists haven’t agreed yet upon a single definition for the term meme, it seems obvious to me that, whatever it will be, it won’t be that simple a definition to allow us to talk about “the chair meme”, let alone “the general relativity meme”, for the same reasons why we don’t talk about “the bird gene”, or even “the wing gene”, or even “the feather gene”, and so on – to the point where we realize that there isn’t a one-to-one mapping between the features as we distinguish at the phenotype level and the genes. The genes constitute a recipe, not a blueprint. What makes us think that memes are much more simpler structures?

In fact, the original operational definition by Dawkins of the meme as the unit of cultural selection is sufficient to reveal the absurdity of the “the x meme” talk: even a simple chair design is way too big and complex to be a unit of selection. Just like the biological organisms, cultural objects (artefacts, theories, institutions, etc.) clearly are products of complex interactions between tiny bits of information acting as units of selection. In this perspective, the general relativity theory is a memetic construct, resulting from the interactions of maybe thousands of memes that we may not readily map one-to-one onto the properties that we perceive and talk about on a semantic level.

As Dennett reminds us on various occasions and topics, we must be prepared to, if not expect to, discover that accurate scientific theories are often counter-intuitive. Our intuitions are not a good basis for building or refuting claims about the nature of our minds and the memes, as they lead us to overrate our conscious teleological control over our creativity or to engage in a semantic mapping between whole designs, ideas or theories and single memes.

So it is my belief that memetics should – in the beginning, at least – shift its focus from human social behaviour towards human creativity and objects of culture, and do that with a more refined definition of meme to do justice to the complexity of the phenomena to be explained as well as to the memetic theory itself. Imagine how far population genetics could have gone if geneticists were talking about “the dog gene” and “the human gene”; that’s how far memetics can go if we don’t quit talking of “the chair meme”.

I am currently reading Darwinizing Culture, edited by Robert Aunger. I just finished David Hull’s contribution titled ‘Taking Memetics Seriously’ and I’m blown away by it. It’s the best writing on memetics that I’ve read for a long while. Hull manages to remain crystal clear on muddy waters of theoretical memetics with his bold arguments supported by very appropriate examples. His optimism is infectious, so much so that I sat down and typed some of the key points of the chapter in the hope of spreading his message to memeticists.

Geneticists know much more about the complexities of genetics than of social groups. Conversely, anthropologists and sociobiologists tend to be well-versed in the details of social groups. To them genetics looks pretty simple. Contrary to what we were all taught at high school, genes are nothing like beads on a string. So both memes and genes are likely to have comparable complex structures. (45)

Complaints about the lack of conceptual clarity in memetics arise in part because of an unreal view of how clear and uncomplicated certain familiar terms in science actually were or are. For example, look at the term ‘gene’ itself. Was it all that clear when it was first introduced in 1909 by W. L. Johannsen? [He goes on to argue that the changing definitions of the term 'gene' were never absolute but always operational in different contexts such as Mendelian genetics, molecular biology or evolutionary biology.] In general, critics of memetics assume standarts so high for scientific knowledge that few, if any, areas of science can possibly meet them.

However, memeticists are not totally off the hook. (…) Just as Mendelian geneticists and molecular biologists have provided operational criteria for applying their gene concepts, so must advocates of memetics. These operational criteria will not be ‘definitions’ as philosophers use this term. At best, they will be highly context-dependent rules of thumb. Even so, if memetics is to be taken seriously, such criteria must be provided, and they cannot be provided from the seat of a comfortable chair. They can emerge only as one sets about doing memetics. (46–48)

[As a reply to the objection phrased as:  "Until I get really clear about what a meme is, how can I conduct any empirical investigations on memes?"] In this respect, memeticists are in the same position as any scientist working in a new area. (…) The solution to this ineluctable circle is obvious if not very intuitively pleasing: you work on all fronts simultaneously. Crude empirical investigations lead you to develop your theoretical perspective more clearly and extensively, and as it improves, you are in a better position to run more sophisticated empirical investigations, and so on. (48–49)

The primary message of this chapter, then is that memeticists cannot begin to understand what the science of memetics is until they generate some general beliefs about conceptual change and try to test them. These tests are likely to look fairly paltry, but in the early stages of a science, attempts at testing always look fairly paltry. (49)

Quick and easy metaphors and popular science are likely to lead to the ‘debasement of memetics’. (49)

Below are some important remarks against two of the most common generalizations about the nature of memetic evolution.

As strange as it may seem, the tendency of thinking in terms of genes and organisms pervades the literature on memetic evolution and gives rise to numerous misunderstandings. For example, one commonly hears that conceptual evolution is so much faster than gene-based biological evolution. Certainly, memes can be transmitted much more rapidly than the genes of such organisms as whales, people, and sequoia trees. However, even from the organismal perspective, viruses and bacteria reproduce themselves much more rapidly than the vast majority of memes. (55)

Nearly everyone who discusses memetic transmission claims that it can be both vertical and horizontal. If parents teach their offspring something, that is vertical. Any memetic transmission that differs from that genealogical direction is horizontal. The preceding claims follow, however, only from the perspective of organisms and their genes, but this is not the appropriate perspective for memetics. (57)

And this, in my view, is the heart of it all:

Memetics does not involve analogical reasoning at all. Instead, a general account of selection is being developed that applies equally to a variety of different sorts of differential replication. Instead of genetics forming the fundamental analog to which all other selection processes must be compared, all examples of selection processes are treated on a par. (45)

I don’t like to quote at this length on this blog – this post is an exception in that these words accurately express what I have been thinking on these issues for a long time.